Soekarno

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Soekarno
1 Presiden Indonesia
Di kantor 18 Agustus 1945 - 12 Maret 1967
Perdana Menteri	Sutan Sjahrir Amir Sjarifuddin Muhammad Hatta Abdul Halim Muhammad Natsir Soekiman Wirjosandjojo Wilopo Ali Sastroamidjojo Burhanuddin Harahap Djuanda Kartawidjaja
Wakil Presiden	Mohammad Hatta
Digantikan oleh	Soeharto
12 Perdana Menteri Indonesia sebagai Presiden Indonesia For Life
Di kantor 9 Juli 1959 - 25 Juli 1966
Presiden	Soekarno
Didahului oleh	Djuanda Kartawidjaja
Digantikan oleh	Pasang dihapuskan
Pribadi rincian
Lahir	6 Juni 1901 Soerabaia , Hindia Belanda [1] [2]
Meninggal	21 Juni 1970 (umur 69) Jakarta , Indonesia
Partai politik	Partai Nasional Indonesia
Pasangan (s)	Oetari Inggit Garnasih Fatmawati Hartini Kartini Manoppo Ratna Sari Dewi Soekarno Haryati Yurike Sanger Heldy Djafar Amelia de la Rama Braly
Agama	Islam
Tanda tangan

Soekarno, lahir Kusno Sosrodihardjo (6 Juni 1901 - 21 Juni 1970) adalah yang pertama Presiden Indonesia .
Soekarno adalah pemimpin perjuangan negaranya untuk kemerdekaan dari Belanda dan Presiden pertama Indonesia 1945-1967. Ia digantikan oleh salah seorang jenderalnya, Suharto (lihat Transisi ke Orde Baru ), dan tetap berada di bawah tahanan rumah sampai kematiannya.

Isi 1 Nama 2 Latar Belakang 3 Kemerdekaan perjuangan 4 Perang Dunia II dan pendudukan Jepang 5 Perang pemimpin 6 boneka presiden 7 'Demokrasi Terpimpin' dan otokrasi meningkatkan 7.1 Kebijakan luar negeri 7,2 Domestik ketegangan 8 Penghapusan dari kekuasaan 9 Keluarga 10 Penghargaan dan Honors 11 Lihat juga 12 Referensi 12,1 Umum 12,2 Catatan 13 Pranala luar

Nama

Ejaan "Soekarno" sering digunakan dalam bahasa Inggris karena didasarkan pada ejaan resmi baru di Indonesia sejak tahun 1947 tetapi ejaan tua Soekarno, berdasarkan ortografi Belanda, masih sering digunakan, terutama karena ia menandatangani namanya dalam ejaan lama. Resmi Bahasa Indonesia dekrit presiden dari periode 1947-1968, bagaimanapun, dicetak namanya menggunakan ejaan 1947. Para Bandara Internasional Soekarno-Hatta yang berfungsi dekat Jakarta, ibukota Indonesia misalnya, masih menggunakan ejaan lama.
Indonesia juga ingat dia sebagai Bung Karno atau Pak Karno. ^[3] Seperti banyak orang Jawa orang, ia hanya satu nama ;. dalam konteks agama, ia kadang-kadang disebut sebagai "Achmed Soekarno" ^[4] Nama Soekarno berarti "Bagus Karna "di Jawa .

Latar Belakang

Soekarno sebagai HBS mahasiswa di Surabaya , 1916.

Putra seorang guru sekolah Jawa yang utama, seorang bangsawan bernama Raden Soekemi Sosrodihardjo dan nya Bali istri dari kasta Brahmana bernama Ida Ayu Nyoman Rai dari Buleleng Kabupaten, Soekarno lahir di Jl. Pandean IV / 40 Surabaya , Jawa Timur di Hindia Belanda (sekarang Indonesia). Setelah Jawa kustom, ia berganti nama setelah selamat dari penyakit masa kanak-kanak. Setelah lulus dari sekolah dasar asli pada tahun 1912, ia dikirim ke Europeesche Lagere School (Belanda-menengah sekolah menengah pertama) di Mojokerto . Ketika ayahnya mengirimnya ke Surabaya pada tahun 1916 untuk menghadiri Sekolah Hogere Burger (Belanda-menengah sekolah menengah), ia bertemu dengan Tjokroaminoto , seorang nasionalis dan pendiri Sarekat Islam , pemilik kos tempat ia tinggal. Pada tahun 1920, Soekarno menikah Tjokroaminoto putri Siti Oetari. Pada tahun 1921 ia mulai belajar di Technische Hogeschool (Technical Institute) di Bandung . Ia belajar teknik sipil dan difokuskan pada arsitektur. Di Bandung , Soekarno menjadi terlibat asmara dengan Inggit Garnasih, istri Sanoesi, pemilik kos tempat ia tinggal sebagai mahasiswa. Inggit adalah 13 tahun lebih tua dari Sukarno. Pada tanggal 1923, Soekarno bercerai Siti Oetari Inggit untuk menikah (yang juga menceraikan suaminya Sanoesi). Dan kemudian Soekarno juga menceraikan Inggit dan Fatmawati menikah.
Soekarno lulus dengan gelar di bidang teknik pada tanggal 25 Mei 1926. Pada bulan Juli 1926, dengan nya universitas teman Anwari, ia mendirikan perusahaan arsitektur Soekarno & Anwari di Bandung , yang menyediakan perencanaan dan jasa kontraktor. Di antara karya-karya arsitektur Sukarno adalah bangunan direnovasi dari Hotel Preanger (1929), di mana ia bertindak sebagai asisten arsitek Belanda terkenal Charles Prosper Wolff Schoemaker . Soekarno juga dirancang rumah-rumah pribadi banyak pada saat ini Jalan Gatot Subroto, Jalan Palasari, dan Jalan Dewi Sartika di Bandung . Kemudian, sebagai presiden, Soekarno tetap terlibat dalam arsitektur, merancang Tugu Proklamasi dan berdekatan Gedung Pola di Jakarta , Monumen Remaja (Tugu Muda) di Semarang , Alun-alun Tugu di Malang , Monumen Pahlawan di Surabaya , dan juga kota baru dari Palangkaraya di Kalimantan Tengah .
Atypically, bahkan di antara elit kecil berpendidikan koloni itu, Sukarno fasih dalam beberapa bahasa. Selain bahasa Jawa dari masa kecilnya, dia adalah seorang master Sunda , Bali dan bahasa Indonesia , dan khususnya kuat di Belanda. Dia juga cukup nyaman di Jerman , Inggris , Perancis , Arab, dan Jepang , semua yang diajarkan di nya HBS. Dia dibantu oleh-Nya memori fotografi dan pikiran dewasa sebelum waktunya . ^[5]
Dalam studinya, Soekarno adalah "sangat modern", baik dalam arsitektur dan dalam politik. Dia membenci baik feodalisme tradisional Jawa, yang dianggap sebagai "terbelakang" dan yang harus disalahkan untuk musim gugur negara di bawah kolonialisme Belanda, dan imperialisme yang dilakukan oleh negara-negara Barat, yang disebutnya sebagai eksploitasi manusia oleh manusia lain dan bertanggung jawab untuk kemiskinan yang mendalam dan rendahnya tingkat pendidikan masyarakat Indonesia di bawah Belanda. Untuk mempromosikan kebanggaan nasionalisme di antara rakyat Indonesia, Soekarno menafsirkan ide-ide ini dalam berpakaian, dalam perencanaan kota nya untuk modal (akhirnya Jakarta ), dan dalam politik sosialisnya, meskipun ia tidak memperpanjang seleranya untuk seni modern untuk musik pop, ia memiliki Koes Plus dipenjara karena lirik mereka diduga dekaden meskipun reputasinya untuk main perempuan. Untuk Soekarno, modernitas buta ras, rapi dan Barat dalam gaya, dan anti-imperialis. ^[6]

Perjuangan Kemerdekaan

Lihat juga: Politik Etis Belanda dan bahasa Indonesia Kebangkitan Nasional

Soekarno pertama kali terkena ide nasionalis ketika tinggal di bawah Tjokroaminoto . Kemudian, saat menjadi mahasiswa di Bandung , ia membenamkan dirinya di Barat, komunis, dan filsafat politik Islam, akhirnya mengembangkan ideologi politiknya sendiri dari ala Indonesia swasembada sosialis. Dia mulai menata ide-idenya sebagai Marhaenisme, yaitu setelah Marhaen, seorang petani bahasa Indonesia ia bertemu di selatan Bandung daerah, yang memiliki sebidang tanah kecilnya dan bekerja pada sendiri, menghasilkan pendapatan yang cukup untuk menghidupi keluarganya. Di universitas, Soekarno mulai mengorganisir kelompok belajar untuk siswa Indonesia, Algemeene Studieclub, bertentangan dengan klub mahasiswa didirikan didominasi oleh mahasiswa Belanda.
Pada tanggal 4 Juli 1927, Soekarno dengan teman-temannya dari Algemeene Studieclub mendirikan partai pro-kemerdekaan, Partai Nasional Indonesia (PNI), yang di atasnya Soekarno terpilih sebagai pemimpin pertama. Partai ini mendukung kemerdekaan bagi Indonesia, dan menentang imperialisme dan kapitalisme karena berpendapat bahwa kedua sistem memperburuk kehidupan masyarakat Indonesia. Partai ini juga menganjurkan sekularisme dan kesatuan di antara etnis yang berbeda di Hindia Belanda , untuk mendirikan negara kesatuan Republik Indonesia. Sukarno juga berharap bahwa Jepang akan memulai perang melawan kekuatan Barat dan Jawa yang kemudian bisa mendapatkan kemerdekaannya dengan bantuan Jepang. Segera hadir setelah disintegrasi Sarekat Islam di awal 1920-an dan menghancurkan Partai Komunis Indonesia setelah pemberontakan yang gagal tahun 1926, PNI mulai menarik sejumlah besar pengikut, khususnya di kalangan para sarjana muda baru yang bersemangat untuk kebebasan yang lebih besar dan kesempatan membantah kepada mereka dalam sistem politik rasis dan konstriktif kolonialisme Belanda. ^[7]

Soekarno dengan sesama terdakwa dan pengacara dalam sidang di Bandung , 1930.

Kegiatan PNI mendapat perhatian dari pemerintah kolonial, dan pidato Sukarno dan pertemuan sering disusupi dan terganggu oleh agen polisi rahasia kolonial (Politieke Inlichtingen Dienst / PID). Akhirnya, Soekarno dan lainnya kunci pemimpin PNI ditangkap pada tanggal 29 Desember 1929 oleh pemerintah kolonial Belanda dalam serangkaian serangan di seluruh Jawa. Sukarno sendiri ditangkap saat kunjungannya ke Yogyakarta . Pada persidangan di gedung pengadilan Landraad Bandung bulan Agustus sampai Desember 1930, Soekarno membuat serangkaian pidato politik lama menyerang ketidakadilan kolonialisme dan imperialisme, berjudul Indonesia Menggoegat (Indonesia Menuduh).
Pada tanggal 1930, Sukarno dihukum empat tahun penjara, yang bertugas di penjara Sukamiskin di Bandung. Pidato yang mengesankan, bagaimanapun, mendapat liputan luas oleh pers, dan karena tekanan yang kuat dari unsur-unsur liberal baik di Belanda dan Hindia Belanda , Soekarno dirilis awal pada tanggal 31 Desember 1931. Pada saat ini, ia telah menjadi seorang pahlawan populer dikenal luas di seluruh Indonesia.
Namun, selama dipenjara, PNI telah pecah oleh penindasan dari penguasa kolonial dan pertikaian internal. PNI asli dibubarkan oleh Belanda, dan anggota mantan membentuk dua pihak yang berbeda, sedangkan Indonesia Partai (Partindo) di bawah Sartono asosiasi Sukarno yang mempromosikan agitasi massa, dan Pendidikan Nasional Indonesia (PNI Baroe) di bawah Mohammad Hatta dan Soetan Sjahrir , dua nasionalis yang baru saja kembali dari studi di Belanda yang mempromosikan strategi jangka panjang dari pengeluaran pendidikan modern untuk rakyat Indonesia tidak berpendidikan untuk mengembangkan elit intelektual mampu memberikan perlawanan yang efektif terhadap kekuasaan Belanda. Setelah berusaha untuk mendamaikan kedua pihak untuk membentuk satu front persatuan nasionalis, Soekarno memilih untuk menjadi kepala Partindo pada tanggal 28 Juli 1932. Partindo telah mempertahankan keselarasan dengan strategi sendiri Sukarno agitasi massa segera, dan Sukarno tidak setuju dengan jangka panjang perjuangan Hatta kader berbasis. Hatta sendiri diyakini kemerdekaan Indonesia tidak akan terjadi dalam hidupnya, sementara Soekarno Hatta percaya strategi untuk mengabaikan fakta bahwa politik hanya dapat membuat perubahan nyata melalui pembentukan dan penggunaan kekuatan (machtsvorming en machtsaanwending). ^[7]
Selama periode ini, untuk mendukung dirinya dan partai finansial, arsitektur Soekarno kembali masuk, membuka biro Soekarno & Rooseno. Ia juga menulis artikel untuk koran partai, Fikiran Ra'jat. Sementara yang berbasis di Bandung, Soekarno bepergian ke seluruh Jawa untuk menjalin kontak dengan nasionalis lainnya. Kegiatannya menarik perhatian lebih lanjut oleh PID Belanda. Pada pertengahan 1933, Sukarno menerbitkan serangkaian tulisan berjudul Mentjapai Indonesia Merdeka ("Untuk Mencapai Indonesia Merdeka"). Untuk tulisan ini, ia ditangkap oleh polisi Belanda saat mengunjungi sesama nasionalis Mohammad Hoesni Thamrin di Jakarta pada 1 Agustus 1933.
Kali ini, untuk mencegah menyediakan Soekarno dengan platform untuk membuat pidato-pidato politik, gubernur jenderal garis keras jonkheer Bonifacius Cornelis de Jonge dimanfaatkan kekuasaan darurat untuk mengirimkan Sukarno untuk pengasingan internal tanpa pengadilan. Pada tahun 1934, Sukarno dikirimkan, bersama dengan keluarganya (termasuk Inggit Garnasih), ke kota terpencil di Ende , di Pulau Flores . Selama berada di Flores, ia memanfaatkan kebebasan yang terbatas gerakan untuk mendirikan teater anak-anak, di antara para anggotanya adalah masa depan politisi Frans Seda . Karena wabah malaria di Flores, pemerintah Belanda memutuskan untuk pindah Sukarno dan keluarganya ke Bencoolen (sekarang Bengkulu) di pantai barat Sumatera , pada tanggal 1938.
Di Bengkulu , Soekarno berkenalan dengan Hassan Din, kepala lokal Muhammadiyah organisasi, dan dia diperbolehkan untuk mengajar agama Islam di sekolah lokal yang dimiliki oleh Muhammadiyah . Salah satu muridnya adalah 15-tahun Fatmawati , putri Hassan Din. Ia menjadi terlibat asmara dengan Fatmawati, yang dibenarkan dengan menyatakan ketidakmampuan Inggit Garnasih untuk menghasilkan anak-anak selama pernikahan mereka hampir 20-tahun. Soekarno masih di Bengkulu pengasingan ketika Jepang menyerang Nusantara pada tahun 1942.

Perang Dunia II dan pendudukan Jepang

Lihat juga: pendudukan Jepang di Indonesia

Pada tahun 1929 awal, selama Kebangkitan Nasional Indonesia , Soekarno dan sesama pemimpin nasionalis Indonesia Mohammad Hatta (kemudian Wakil Presiden) , pertama meramalkan Perang Pasifik dan kesempatan yang muka Jepang di Indonesia bisa hadir untuk penyebab kemerdekaan Indonesia. ^[8] Dalam Februari 1942 Imperial Jepang menyerbu Hindia Belanda dengan cepat mengalahkan pasukan Belanda yang berbaris, naik bus dan truk Sukarno dan rombongannya tiga ratus kilometer dari Bengkulu ke Padang , Sumatera . Mereka berniat membuatnya tetap tahanan dan pengiriman dia ke Australia, tapi tiba-tiba meninggalkan dia untuk menyelamatkan diri pada pendekatan yang akan datang dari pasukan Jepang di Padang. ^[9]
Orang Jepang memiliki file-file mereka sendiri pada Sukarno dan komandan Jepang di Sumatera mendekatinya dengan hormat, ingin menggunakan dia untuk mengatur dan mengamankan Indonesia. Soekarno di sisi lain ingin menggunakan Jepang untuk membebaskan Indonesia: "Tuhan dipuji, Tuhan menunjukkan kepada saya jalan; dalam lembah Ngarai aku berkata: Ya, Independen Indonesia hanya dapat dicapai dengan Dai Nippon ... Untuk pertama kalinya dalam seumur hidupku, aku melihat diriku di cermin Asia ". ^[10] Pada Juli 1942, Sukarno dikirim kembali ke Jakarta , di mana ia kembali bersatu dengan para pemimpin nasionalis lainnya baru-baru ini dirilis oleh Jepang, termasuk Mohammad Hatta . Di sana, ia bertemu dengan komandan Jepang Jenderal Hitoshi Imamura , yang meminta Soekarno dan nasionalis lain untuk menggalang dukungan dari rakyat Indonesia untuk membantu upaya perang Jepang.
Soekarno bersedia untuk mendukung Jepang, dalam pertukaran untuk platform untuk dirinya sendiri untuk menyebarkan ide-ide nasionalis dengan populasi massa. Orang Jepang, di sisi lain, diperlukan tenaga kerja Indonesia dan sumber daya alam untuk membantu usaha perangnya. Orang Jepang merekrut jutaan orang, terutama dari Jawa , untuk kerja paksa yang disebut " romusha "di Jepang . Mereka dipaksa untuk membangun kereta api, lapangan udara, dan fasilitas lain bagi Jepang di Indonesia dan sejauh Birma. Selain itu, beras requestioned Jepang dan makanan lainnya yang dihasilkan oleh petani Indonesia untuk memasok pasukan mereka sendiri, sementara memaksa kaum tani untuk mengolah minyak jarak tanaman untuk digunakan sebagai bahan bakar dan pelumas penerbangan. ^[11]
Untuk mendapatkan kerja sama dari penduduk Indonesia dan untuk mencegah resistensi terhadap tindakan-tindakan kejam, Jepang menempatkan Sukarno sebagai kepala Tiga-A gerakan massa organisasi. Pada Maret 1943, Jepang membentuk sebuah organisasi baru bernama Poesat Tenaga Rakyat (Poetera / Konsentrasi Tenaga Rakyat) di bawah Soekarno, Hatta, Ki Hadjar Dewantara , dan KH Mas Mansjoer. Tujuan organisasi ini adalah untuk menggalang dukungan populer untuk perekrutan tenaga kerja romusha paksa, requisitioning produk makanan, dan untuk mempromosikan pro-Jepang dan sentimen anti-Barat di antara orang Indonesia. Soekarno menciptakan istilah, amerika kitd setrika, penerjemah kitd linggis ("Mari besi Amerika, dan gada Inggris") untuk mempromosikan anti-Sekutu sentimen. Dalam beberapa tahun kemudian, Sukarno lastingly malu perannya dengan romusha tersebut. Selain itu, makanan requisitioning oleh kelaparan yang meluas menyebabkan Jepang di Jawa yang menewaskan lebih dari satu juta orang di 1944-1945. Dalam pandangannya, ini adalah pengorbanan yang diperlukan harus dibuat untuk memungkinkan kemerdekaan masa depan Indonesia. ^[12] Ia juga terlibat dengan pembentukan Pembela Tanah Air (PETA) dan Heiho (Bahasa Indonesia sukarelawan tentara pasukan) melalui pidato disiarkan di Jepang radio dan jaringan pengeras suara di seluruh Jawa dan Sumatera. Pada pertengahan 1945 unit ini berjumlah sekitar dua juta, dan bersiap-siap untuk mengalahkan setiap pasukan Sekutu dikirim ke kembali mengambil Jawa.
Sementara itu, Soekarno akhirnya bercerai Inggit, yang menolak untuk menerima keinginan suaminya untuk poligami. Ia diberi sebuah rumah di Bandung dan pensiun seumur hidupnya. Pada tahun 1943, ia menikah dengan Fatmawati . Mereka tinggal di sebuah rumah di Jl. Pegangsaan Timur No 56, disita dari pemilik sebelumnya Belanda dan disajikan kepada Soekarno oleh Jepang. Rumah ini kemudian akan menjadi tempat dari Proklamasi Kemerdekaan Indonesia pada tahun 1945.
Pada 10 November 1943 Soekarno dan Hatta dikirim pada tur tujuh belas hari di Jepang, di mana mereka dihiasi oleh Kaisar Hirohito dan minum anggur dan makan malam di rumah Perdana Menteri Hideki Tojo di Tokyo . Pada tanggal 7 September 1944, dengan perang akan buruk bagi Jepang, Perdana Menteri Kuniaki Koiso menjanjikan kemerdekaan bagi Indonesia, meskipun tidak ada tanggal ditetapkan. ^[13] Pengumuman ini terlihat, menurut sejarah resmi AS, sebagai pembenaran besar untuk itu jelas Soekarno bekerja sama dengan Jepang. ^[14] AS pada saat yang dianggap Soekarno salah satu "pemimpin kolaborator terutama." ^[15]
Pada tanggal 29 April 1945, dengan jatuhnya Filipina untuk tangan Amerika, Jepang diizinkan untuk pembentukan Badan Oesaha-oesaha Penjelidik Persiapan Kemerdekaan Indonesia (BPUPKI), sebuah badan legislatif-kuasi terdiri dari 67 perwakilan dari sebagian besar etnis-kelompok di Indonesia. Soekarno diangkat sebagai kepala BPUPKI dan ditugasi untuk memimpin diskusi untuk mempersiapkan dasar negara Indonesia masa depan. Untuk menyediakan sebuah platform umum dan dapat diterima untuk menyatukan faksi pertengkaran berbagai BPUPKI, Soekarno merumuskan pemikiran ideologisnya dikembangkan selama dua puluh tahun terakhir menjadi lima prinsip. Pada tanggal 1 Juni 1945, dia memperkenalkan lima prinsip, yang dikenal sebagai Pancasila , selama sidang bersama BPUPKI diselenggarakan di bekas Volksraad Bangunan (sekarang disebut Gedung Pancasila).
Pancasila sebagaimana yang disampaikan oleh Soekarno selama pidato BPUPKI, terdiri dari lima prinsip umum yang melihat Sukarno sebagai umum dimiliki oleh semua orang Indonesia:

1. Nasionalisme, dimana bahasa Indonesia bersatu negara akan membentang dari Sabang ke Merauke , meliputi semua bekas Hindia Belanda
2. Internasionalisme, Indonesia artinya adalah menghargai hak asasi manusia dan memberikan kontribusi untuk perdamaian dunia, dan tidak boleh jatuh ke fasisme chauvinistik seperti ditampilkan oleh Nazi dengan kepercayaan mereka pada keunggulan ras Arya
3. Demokrasi, yang diyakini Soekarno selalu dalam darah orang Indonesia melalui praktek konsensus-seeking (musyawarah untuk mufakat), sebuah demokrasi ala Indonesia berbeda dari gaya Barat liberalisme
4. Keadilan sosial, suatu bentuk sosialisme kerakyatan di bidang ekonomi dengan Marxis-gaya perlawanan terhadap kapitalisme bebas. Keadilan sosial juga dimaksudkan untuk memberikan bagian yang sama dari ekonomi bagi seluruh masyarakat Indonesia, sebagai lawan dari dominasi ekonomi lengkap oleh Belanda dan Cina pada masa kolonial
5. Kepercayaan kepada Tuhan, dimana semua agama diperlakukan sama dan memiliki kebebasan beragama. Soekarno melihat Indonesia seperti dengan manusia rohani dan agama, tetapi pada dasarnya toleran terhadap perbedaan keyakinan agama

Pada tanggal 22 Juni, elemen Islam dan nasionalis BPUPKI membuat panitia kecil dari sembilan, yang merumuskan gagasan Sukarno ke dalam lima butir Pancasila , dalam suatu dokumen yang dikenal sebagai Piagam Jakarta:

1. Ketuhanan yang Maha Esa, dengan kewajiban bagi umat Islam untuk mengamati hukum Islam
2. Civilised dan hanya kemanusiaan
3. Persatuan Indonesia
4. Demokrasi melalui perwakilan pembangunan konsensus
5. Keadilan sosial bagi seluruh rakyat Indonesia

Karena tekanan dari elemen Islam, prinsip pertama disebutkan kewajiban bagi umat Islam untuk praktek hukum Islam ( syariah ). Namun, Sila akhir sebagaimana tercantum dalam UUD 1945 yang diberlakukan pada 18 Agustus 1945, termasuk referensi untuk hukum Islam demi persatuan nasional. Penghapusan syariah dilakukan oleh Mohammad Hatta didasarkan pada permintaan oleh Christian Alexander Andries Maramis perwakilan, dan setelah berkonsultasi dengan Teuku Islam moderat perwakilan Mohammad Hassan, Kasman Singodimedjo, dan Ki Bagoes Hadikoesoemo. ^[16]
Pada tanggal 7 Agustus 1945, Jepang memungkinkan pembentukan sebuah Panitia kecil Penjelidik Kemerdekaan Indonesia (PPKI), Komite 21 orang bertugas dengan menciptakan struktur pemerintahan spesifik dari negara Indonesia masa depan. Pada tanggal 9 Agustus, pemimpin puncak PPKI (Soekarno, Hatta, dan Radjiman Wediodiningrat KRH), dipanggil oleh Komandan-in-Kepala Angkatan Selatan Jepang Ekspedisi, Marsekal Terauchi Hisaichi , untuk Da Lat , 100 km dari Saigon . Marsekal Terauchi memberi Sukarno kebebasan untuk melanjutkan persiapan untuk kemerdekaan Indonesia, bebas dari campur tangan Jepang. Setelah banyak wining dan bersantap, rombongan Sukarno diterbangkan kembali ke Jakarta pada 14 Agustus. Tanpa diketahui para tamu, bom atom telah dijatuhkan di Hiroshima dan Nagasaki , dan Jepang sedang mempersiapkan menyerah.
Hari berikutnya, pada 15 Agustus, Jepang menyatakan penerimaan mereka terhadap Deklarasi Potsdam istilah, dan tanpa syarat menyerah kepada Sekutu. Pada sore hari itu, Soekarno menerima informasi ini dari para pemimpin kelompok pemuda dan anggota PETA Chairul Saleh, Soekarni, dan Wikana, yang telah mendengarkan siaran radio Barat. Mereka mendesak Soekarno untuk menyatakan kemerdekaan Indonesia segera, sementara Jepang dalam kebingungan dan sebelum kedatangan pasukan Sekutu. Dihadapkan dengan cepat gilirannya peristiwa, Soekarno menunda-nunda. Dia takut pertumpahan darah karena respon bermusuhan dari Jepang untuk langkah tersebut, dan khawatir dengan prospek retribusi Sekutu masa depan.
Pada pagi hari tanggal 16 Agustus, para pemimpin pemuda tiga, tidak sabar dengan keraguan Sukarno, menculik dia dari rumahnya dan membawanya ke sebuah rumah kecil di Rengasdengklok, Karawang , yang dimiliki oleh keluarga Cina dan diduduki oleh PETA. Di sana mereka mendapatkan komitmen Sukarno mendeklarasikan kemerdekaan pada hari berikutnya. Malam itu, para pemuda melaju Soekarno kembali ke rumah Laksamana Tadashi Maeda, perwira penghubung Jepang angkatan laut di Menteng wilayah Jakarta, yang bersimpati terhadap kemerdekaan Indonesia. Di sana, ia dan asistennya Sajoeti Melik menyiapkan teks Proklamasi Kemerdekaan Indonesia .

Perang pemimpin

Sukarno, didampingi oleh Mohammad Hatta (kanan), menyatakan kemerdekaan Indonesia.

Presiden Sukarno dari Indonesia sebelum berbicara Umum PBB perakitan, 30 September 1960. Ajudan militernya, Letnan Kolonel Sabur (Kiri), diambil setiap halaman sebagai Presiden selesai membacanya.

Lihat juga: Revolusi Nasional Indonesia dan masa demokrasi liberal di Indonesia

Pada dini hari 17 Agustus 1945, Soekarno kembali ke rumahnya di Jl Pegangsaan Timur No 56 di mana ia bergabung dengan Mohammad Hatta . Sepanjang pagi, leaflet dadakan dicetak oleh PETA dan elemen pemuda menginformasikan penduduk proklamasi yang akan datang. Akhirnya, pada 10 pagi, Sukarno dan Hatta melangkah ke teras depan, di mana Soekarno menyatakan kemerdekaan Republik Indonesia di depan kerumunan 500 orang.
Pada hari berikutnya, 18 Agustus, PPKI menyatakan struktur pemerintahan dasar Republik Indonesia yang baru:

1. Penunjukan Sukarno dan Mohammad Hatta sebagai Presiden dan Wakil Presiden dan kabinet mereka.
2. Pemberlakuan UUD 1945 indonesian konstitusi , yang oleh waktu ini tidak termasuk setiap referensi untuk hukum Islam.
3. Menetapkan Komite Nasional Indonesia Pusat (Komite Nasional Indonesia Poesat / KNIP) untuk membantu presiden sebelum pemilihan parlemen.

Visi Sukarno untuk 1945 indonesian konstitusi terdiri atas Pancasila (lima prinsip). Filsafat politik Sukarno terutama sekering dari unsur Marxisme , nasionalisme dan Islam . Hal ini tercermin dalam proposisi dari versinya Pancasila ia mengusulkan kepada BPUPKI (Inspektorat Upaya Persiapan Kemerdekaan Indonesia), di mana ia awalnya dianut mereka dalam pidatonya pada tanggal 1 Juni 1945: ^[16]
Soekarno berpendapat bahwa semua prinsip-prinsip bangsa bisa diringkas dalam ungkapan gotong royong . ^[17] Parlemen Bahasa Indonesia, didirikan atas dasar ini (dan kemudian direvisi) asli konstitusi, terbukti semua tapi bisa diatur. Hal ini disebabkan perbedaan yang tak terdamaikan antara berbagai sosial, faksi-faksi politik, agama dan etnis. ^[18]
Beberapa hari setelah Proklamasi, berita kemerdekaan Indonesia tersebar melalui radio, koran, leaflet, dan dari mulut ke mulut meskipun upaya oleh tentara Jepang untuk menekan berita. Pada tanggal 19 September, Soekarno berpidato di kerumunan satu juta orang di Lapangan Ikada Jakarta (sekarang bagian dari Lapangan Merdeka ) untuk memperingati satu bulan kemerdekaan, menunjukkan tingkat yang kuat dukungan populer untuk republik baru, setidaknya di Jawa dan Sumatera . Di kedua pulau, pemerintah Sukarno dengan cepat membangun kontrol pemerintah sementara Jepang yang tersisa sebagian besar mundur ke barak mereka menunggu kedatangan pasukan Sekutu. Periode ini ditandai oleh serangan konstan oleh kelompok bersenjata di Eropa, Cina, Kristen, aristokrasi pribumi dan siapa saja yang dianggap menentang kemerdekaan Indonesia. Kasus yang paling serius adalah Revolusi Sosial di Aceh dan Sumatera Utara , di mana sejumlah besar aristokrat Aceh dan Melayu dibunuh oleh kelompok Islam (di Aceh) dan komunis yang dipimpin massa (di Sumatera Utara), dan "Tiga Affair Daerah" dalam barat laut pantai Jawa Tengah di mana sejumlah besar orang Eropa, bangsawan Cina, dan asli dibantai oleh massa. These bloody incidences continued until late 1945 to early 1946, and begin to peter-out as Republican authority begin to exert and consolidate its control.
Sukarno's government initially postponed the formation of a national army, for fear of antagonizing the Allied occupation forces and their doubt over whether they would have been able to form an adequate military apparatus to maintain control of seized territory. The members of various militia groups formed during Japanese occupation such as the disbanded PETA and Heiho, at that time were encouraged to join the BKR— Badan Keamanan Rakjat (The People's Security Organization)—itself a subordinate of the "War Victims Assistance Organization". It was only in October 1945 that the BKR was reformed into the TKR— Tentara Keamanan Rakjat (The People's Security Army) in response to the increasing Allied and Dutch presence in Indonesia. The TKR armed themselves mostly by attacking Japanese troops and confiscating their weapons.
Due to sudden transfer of Java and Sumatera from General Douglas MacArthur 's American-dominated Southwest Pacific Area to Lord Louis Mountbatten 's British-dominated Southeast Asian Command, the first Allied soldiers (1st Battalion of Seaforth Highlanders) only arrived in Jakarta on late September 1945. British forces began to occupy major Indonesian cities on October 1945. The commander of British 23rd Division, Lieutenant General Sir Philip Christison , set-up command in the former governor-general's palace in Jakarta. Christison stated its intentions as the liberation of all Allied prisoners-of-war, and to allow the return of Indonesia to its pre-war status, as colony of Netherlands. The Republican government were willing to cooperate with regards to the release and repatriation of Allied civilian and military POWs, setting-up the Committee for the Repatriation of Japanese and Allied Prisoners of Wars and Internees ( Panitia Oeroesan Pengangkoetan Djepang dan APWI /POPDA) for this purpose. POPDA, in cooperation with the British, repatriated more than 70,000 Japanese and Allied POWs and internees by the end of 1946. To resist Dutch attempts to regain control of the country, Sukarno's strategy was to seek international recognition and support for the new Indonesian Republic, in view of the relative military weakness of the Republic compared with British and Dutch military power.
Sukarno was aware that his history as Japanese collaborator might complicate relationship with the Western countries. Hence, to help acquire international recognition as well as to accommodate domestic demands for establishment of political parties, Sukarno allowed the formation of parliamentary system of government, whereby a prime minister controlled day-to-day affairs of the government, while Sukarno as president remained as figurehead. The prime minister and his cabinet will be responsible to the Central Indonesian National Committee instead of the president. On 14 November 1945, Sukarno appointed Sutan Sjahrir as first prime minister, he was a European-educated politician who was never involved with the Japanese occupation authorities.
Ominously, Dutch soldiers and administrators under the name of Netherlands Indies Civil Administration (NICA) began to return under the protection of the British. They were led by Hubertus Johannes van Mook , a pre-war Dutch colonial administrator who led the Dutch East Indies government-in-exile in Brisbane , Australia. They armed released Dutch POWs, which began to engage in shooting rampages against Indonesian civilians and Republican police. As consequence, armed conflict soon erupted between the newly-constituted Republican forces aided by a myriad of pro-independence mob groups, against the British and Dutch forces. On 10 November, a full-scale battle broke-out in Surabaya between British Indian 49th Infantry Brigade and Indonesian population, involving air and naval bombardments of the city by the British. 300 British soldiers were killed (including its commander Brigadier AWS Mallaby), while thousands of Indonesians died. Shootouts broke-out with alarming regularity in Jakarta , including an attempted assassination of Prime Minister Sjahrir by Dutch gunmen. To avoid this menace, Sukarno and majority of his government left for the safety of Yogyakarta on 4 January 1946. There, the Republican government received protection and full support from Sultan Hamengkubuwono IX . Yogyakarta will remain as the Republic's capital until end of the war in 1949. Sjahrir remained in Jakarta to conduct negotiations with the British. ^{[ 19 ]}
The initial series of battles in late 1945 and early 1946 left the British in control of major port cities on Java and Sumatera. During the Japanese occupation, the Outer Islands (excluding Java and Sumatera) was occupied by Japanese Navy ( Kaigun ), which did not allow for political mobilisation in their areas on account of the small population base available for mobilisation, and the proximity of these areas to active theatres of war. Consequently, there were little Republican activity in these islands post-proclamation. Australian and Dutch forces quickly occupied these islands without much fighting by end of 1945 (excluding the resistance of I Gusti Ngurah Rai in Bali, the insurgency in South Sulawesi , and fighting in Hulu Sungai area of South Kalimantan ). Meanwhile, the hinterland areas of Java and Sumatera remained under Republican administration.
Eager to pull-out its soldiers from Indonesia, the British allowed for large-scale infusion of Dutch forces into the country throughout 1946. By November 1946, all British soldiers have been withdrawn from Indonesia, replaced by more than 150,000 Dutch soldiers. On the other hand, the British sent Lord Archibald Clark Kerr, 1st Baron Inverchapel and Miles Lampson, 1st Baron Killearn to bring the Dutch and Indonesians to the negotiating table. The result of these negotiations was the Linggadjati Agreement signed on November 1946, where the Dutch acknowledged de facto Republican sovereignty over Java, Sumatera, and Madura. In exchange, the Republicans were willing to discuss future Commonwealth-like United Kingdom of Netherlands and Indonesia.

Sukarno addressing the KNIP (parliament) in Malang , March 1947

Sukarno's decision to negotiate with the Dutch was met with strong opposition by various Indonesian factions. Tan Malaka , a communist politician, organised these groups into a united front called the Persatoean Perdjoangan (PP). PP offered a "Minimum Program" which called for complete independence, nationalisation of all foreign properties, and rejection of all negotiations until all foreign troops are withdrawn. These programmes received widespread popular support, including from armed forces commander General Sudirman . On 4 July 1946, military units linked with PP kidnapped Prime Minister Sjahrir who was visiting Yogyakarta . Sjahrir was leading the negotiation with the Dutch. Sukarno, after successfully influencing Sudirman , managed to secure the release of Sjahrir and the arrest of Tan Malaka and other PP leaders. Disapproval of Linggadjati terms within the KNIP led Sukarno to issue a decree doubling KNIP membership by including many pro-agreement appointed members. As consequence, KNIP ratified the Linggadjati Agreement on March 1947. ^{[ 20 ]}
On 21 July 1947, the Linggadjati Agreement was broken by the Dutch, who launched Operatie Product , a massive military invasion into Republican-held territories. Although the newly-reconsitituted TNI was unable to offer significant military resistance, the blatant violation by the Dutch on internationally-brokered agreement outraged world opinion. International pressure forced the Dutch to halt their invasion force on August 1947. Sjahrir, who has been replaced as prime minister by Amir Sjarifuddin , flew to New York City to appeal Indonesian case in front of United Nations . UN Security Council issued a resolution calling for immediate ceasefire, and appointed a Good Offices Committee (GOC) to oversee the ceasefire. The GOC, based in Jakarta, consisted of delegations from Australia (led by Richard Kirby , chosen by Indonesia), Belgium (led by Paul van Zeeland , chosen by Netherlands), and United States (led by Frank Porter Graham , neutral).
The Republic was now under strong Dutch military stranglehold, with the Dutch military occupying West Java , and the northern coast of Central Java and East Java , along with the key productive areas of Sumatera . Additionally, the Dutch navy blockaded Republican areas from supplies of vital food, medicine, and weapons. As consequence, Prime Minister Amir Sjarifuddin has little choice but to sign the Renville Agreement on 17 January 1948, which acknowledged Dutch control over areas taken during Operatie Product , while the Republicans pledged to withdraw all forces that remained on the other side of the ceasefire line (" Van Mook Line "). Meanwhile, the Dutch begin to organize puppet states in the areas under their occupation, to counter Republican influence utilising ethnic diversity of Indonesia.
The signing of highly disadvantageous Renville Agreement caused even greater instability within the Republican political structure. In Dutch-occupied West Java, Darul Islam guerrillas under Sekarmadji Maridjan Kartosuwirjo maintained their anti-Dutch resistance and repealed any loyalty to the Republic, they will cause a bloody insurgency in West Java and other areas in the first decades of independence. Prime Minister Sjarifuddin , who signed the agreement, was forced to resign on January 1948, and was replaced by Mohammad Hatta . Hatta cabinet's policy of rationalising the armed forces by demobilising large numbers of armed groups that proliferated the Republican areas, also caused severe disaffection. Leftist political elements, led by resurgent Indonesian Communist Party (PKI) under Musso took advantage of public disaffections by launching rebellion in Madiun , East Java , on 18 September 1948. Bloody fighting continued during late-September until end of October 1948, when the last communist bands were defeated and Musso shot dead. The communists have overestimated their potential to oppose the strong appeal of Sukarno amongst the population.

Sukarno and Foreign Minister Agus Salim in Dutch custody, 1949.

On 19 December 1948, to take advantage of the Republic's weak position following the communist rebellion, the Dutch launched Operatie Kraai , a second military invasion designed to crush the Republic once and for all. The invasion was initiated with an airborne assault on Republican capital Yogyakarta . Sukarno ordered the armed forces under Sudirman to launch guerilla campaign in the countryside, while he and other key leaders such as Hatta and Sjahrir allowed themselves to be taken prisoner by the Dutch. To ensure continuity of government, Sukarno sent a telegram to Sjafruddin Prawiranegara , providing him the mandate to lead an Emergency Government of the Republic of Indonesia (PDRI), based on the unoccupied hinterlands of West Sumatera , a position he kept until Sukarno was released on June 1949. The Dutch sent Sukarno and other captured Republican leaders to captivity in Prapat, in Dutch-occupied part of North Sumatera and later to the island of Bangka .
Invasi Belanda kedua menyebabkan kemarahan bahkan lebih internasional. Amerika Serikat, terkesan dengan kemampuan Indonesia untuk mengalahkan tantangan 1948 komunis tanpa bantuan dari luar, mengancam akan cut-off Marshall Aid dana ke Belanda jika operasi militer di Indonesia terus. TNI tidak hancur dan terus mengobarkan perlawanan gerilya terhadap penyerangan, Belanda terutama di Belanda dipegang Yogyakarta dipimpin oleh Letnan Kolonel Soeharto pada tanggal 1 Maret 1949. Akibatnya, Belanda terpaksa menandatangani Perjanjian Roem-van Roijen pada tanggal 7 Mei 1949. Menurut perjanjian ini, Belanda merilis kepemimpinan Republik dan kembali daerah sekitar Yogyakarta untuk kontrol Partai Republik pada tanggal 1949. Ini diikuti oleh Konferensi Meja Bundar Belanda-Indonesia yang diselenggarakan di Den Haag yang menyebabkan transfer lengkap kedaulatan oleh Ratu Juliana dari Belanda ke Indonesia, pada tanggal 27 Desember 1949. Pada hari itu, Soekarno terbang dari Yogyakarta untuk Jakarta , membuat pidato kemenangan di tangga istana gubernur jenderal, segera berganti nama menjadi Istana Merdeka ("Istana Merdeka").

boneka presiden

Pada saat ini, sebagai bagian dari kompromi dengan Belanda, Indonesia mengadopsi baru konstitusi federal yang membuat negara negara federal yang disebut Republik Indonesia Serikat (Republik Indonesia Serikat ), yang terdiri dari Republik Indonesia yang perbatasan ditentukan dengan yang "Garis Van Mook", bersama dengan 6 negara bagian dan wilayah otonom 9 dibuat oleh Belanda. Selama semester pertama tahun 1950, negara-negara ini secara bertahap dilarutkan dirinya sebagai militer Belanda yang sebelumnya disangga mereka, ditarik. Pada Agustus 1950, dengan keadaan terakhir - Negara Indonesia Timur - melarutkan sendiri, Sukarno mengumumkan sebuah Negara Kesatuan Republik Indonesia berdasarkan baru dirumuskan konstitusi sementara tahun 1950. Kedua Konstitusi Federal tahun 1949 dan UUD Sementara 1950 adalah parlemen di alam, di mana kekuasaan eksekutif ditetapkan dengan perdana menteri, dan yang-di atas kertas terbatas kekuasaan presiden. Namun, bahkan dengan perannya secara formal berkurang, ia memerintahkan banyak kewenangan moral sebagai Bapa Bangsa .
Tahun-tahun pertama demokrasi parlementer terbukti sangat tidak stabil untuk Indonesia. Kabinet jatuh dalam suksesi cepat karena perbedaan akut antara berbagai partai politik dalam parlemen baru diangkat (Dewan Perwakilan Rakyat / DPR) . Ada perbedaan pendapat yang parah di jalan masa depan negara Indonesia, antara nasionalis yang menginginkan negara sekuler (yang dipimpin oleh Partai Nasional Indonesia pertama kali didirikan oleh Sukarno), kelompok Islam yang menginginkan negara Islam (dipimpin oleh Masyumi Partai), dan komunis yang menginginkan komunis negara (dipimpin oleh PKI , hanya diizinkan beroperasi lagi di 1951). Di sisi ekonomi, ada ketidakpuasan yang parah dengan dominasi ekonomi berkelanjutan oleh perusahaan Belanda yang besar dan etnis-Cina.
Di daerah, Darul Islam pemberontak di bawah Kartosuwirjo di Jawa Barat menolak mengakui kekuasaan Sukarno dan dinyatakan sebagai NII (Negara Islam Indonesia - Negara Islam Indonesia) pada Agustus 1949. Pemberontakan dalam mendukung Darul Islam juga pecah-out di Sulawesi Selatan pada tahun 1951, dan di Aceh pada tahun 1953. Sementara itu, pro-federalisme anggota dibubarkan KNIL meluncurkan pemberontakan gagal di Bandung ( pemberontakan APRA dari 1950), di Makassar pada tahun 1950, dan di Ambon ( Republik Maluku Selatan pemberontakan 1950). ^[21]
Additionally, the military was torn with hostilities between officers originating from the colonial-era KNIL , who wished for a small and elite professional military, and the overwhelming majority of soldiers who started their careers in the Japanese-formed PETA, who were afraid of being discharged and were more known for nationalist-zeal over professionalism.
On 17 October 1952, the leaders of the former-KNIL faction, Army Chief Colonel Abdul Haris Nasution and Armed Forces Chief-of-Staff Major-General Tahi Bonar Simatupang mobilized their troops in a show of force. Protesting against attempts by the DPR to interfere in military business on behalf of the former-PETA faction of the military, Nasution and Simatupang had their troops surround the Merdeka Palace and point the tank turrets in the direction of the said building. Their demand to Sukarno was that the current DPR be dismissed. For this cause, Nasution and Simatupang also mobilized civilian protesters. Sukarno came out of the palace and using nothing but his famed oratory skills, convinced both soldiers and civilians alike to go home. Nasution and Simatupang had been defeated, and both were later dismissed. Nasution, however, would be re-appointed as Army Chief after reconciling with Sukarno in 1955.
In 1954, Sukarno married Hartini, a 30-years-old widow from Salatiga , whom he met during a reception. His third wife, Fatmawati was outraged by this fourth marriage. She left Sukarno and their children, although they never officially divorced. Fatmawati no longer took-up the duties as First Lady , a role subsequently filled by Hartini.

Sukarno casting his vote at the 1955 elections

The 1955 elections produced a new Parliament and a Constitutional Assembly . The election results equally shared power between the antagonistic powers of PNI, Masyumi, Nahdlatul Ulama , and PKI. Hence, domestic political instability continued unabated. Talks in the Constitutional Assembly to produce a new constitution met a deadlock over the issue of whether to include Islamic law.
On the international front, Sukarno organised the Bandung Conference in 1955, with the goal of uniting developing Asian and African countries into a non-aligned movement to counter against the competing superpowers at the time.
Sukarno resented his figurehead position and the increasing disorder of the country's political life. Claiming Western-style democracy was unsuitable for Indonesia, he called for a system of " guided democracy ." The Indonesian way of deciding important questions, he argued, was by way of prolonged deliberation designed to achieve a consensus . This was the way problems were solved at the village level, and Sukarno argued it should be the model for the entire nation. He proposed a government based not only on political parties but on "functional groups" composed of the nation's basic elements, which would together form a National Council, through which a national consensus could express itself under presidential guidance.
Vice-President Mohammad Hatta was strongly opposed to Sukarno's guided democracy concept. Citing irreconcilable differences, Hatta resigned from his position in December 1956. Hatta's retirement sent a shockwave across Indonesia, particularly among the non-Javanese ethnicities, who viewed Hatta as their representative in a Javanese-dominated government.
From December 1956 to January 1957, regional military commanders in North Sumatera, Central Sumatera, and South Sumatera provinces took over local government control. They declared a series of military councils which will run their respective areas and refused to accept orders from Jakarta. A similar regional military movement took control of North Sulawesi on March 1957. They demanded the elimination of communist influence in government, equal share in government revenues, and reinstatement of Sukarno-Hatta duumvirate.
Faced with this serious challenge to the unity of the republic, Sukarno declared martial law ( Staat van Oorlog en Beleg ) on 14 March 1957. He appointed a non-partisan prime minister Djuanda Kartawidjaja , while the military was in the hands of his loyalist General Nasution . Nasution increasingly shared Sukarno's views on the negative impact of western democracy on Indonesia, and he foresaw greater role for the military to bring much-needed discipline to the country.
As a reconciliatory move, Sukarno invited the leaders of the regional councils to Jakarta on 10–14 September 1957, to attend a National Conference ( Musjawarah Nasional ), which failed to bring a solution to the crisis. On 30 November 1957, an assassination attempt was made by grenade attack against Sukarno when he was visiting a school function in Cikini , Central Jakarta . Six children were killed, but Sukarno did not suffer any serious wounds. The perpetrators were members of the Darul Islam extremist group, under the order of its leader Sekarmadji Maridjan Kartosuwirjo .
By December 1957, Sukarno began to take concrete steps to enforce his authority over the country. On that month, he nationalised 246 Dutch companies which have been dominating Indonesian economy (most notably the NHM , Royal Dutch Shell subsidiary Bataafsche Petroleum Maatschappij , Escomptobank, Internatio, Geo Wehry & Co, Jacobson & Berg, etc.) and expelled 40,000 Dutch citizens remaining in Indonesia while confiscating their properties, due to the failure by the Dutch government to continue negotiations on the fate of Netherlands New Guinea as was promised in the 1949 Round Table Conference. Sukarno's economic nationalism policy was followed by issuance Presidential Directive No. 10 of 1959, which banned commercial activities by foreign nationals in rural areas. This rule targeted the ethnic-Chinese, who dominated both the rural and urban retail economy despite the fact that at this time few of them had Indonesian citizenship. This policy resulted in massive relocation of the rural ethnic-Chinese population to urban areas, while approximately 100,000 chose to return to China.
To face the dissident regional commanders, Sukarno and Army Chief Nasution decided to take drastic steps following the failure of Musjawarah Nasional . By utilising regional officers that remained loyal to Jakarta, Nasution organised a series of "regional coups" which ousted the dissident commanders in North Sumatera (Colonel Maludin Simbolon) and South Sumatera (Colonel Barlian) by December 1957. This returned government control over key cities of Medan and Palembang .
On February 1958, the remaining dissident commanders in Central Sumatera (Colonel Ahmad Hussein) and North Sulawesi (Colonel Ventje Sumual) declared PRRI - Permesta Movement aimed at overthrowing the Jakarta government. They were joined by many civilian politicians from the Masyumi Party, such as Sjafruddin Prawiranegara who were opposed to growing influence of communists. Due to their anti-communist rhetoric, the rebels received monetary, weaponry, and manpower aid from the CIA until Allen Lawrence Pope , an American pilot, was shot down after a bombing raid on government-held Ambon on April 1958. On April 1958, central government responded by launching airborne and seaborne military invasions on Padang and Manado , the rebel capitals. By the end of 1958, the rebels have been militarily defeated, and the last remaining rebel guerilla bands surrendered on August 1961. ^{[ 22 ]}

'Guided Democracy' and increasing autocracy

Sukarno (on top of the steps) reading his decree on 5 July 1959

Main article: Guided Democracy in Indonesia

The impressive military victories over the PRRI-Permesta rebels and the popular nationalisation of Dutch companies left Sukarno in a very strong position. On 5 July 1959, Sukarno reinstated the 1945 constitution by presidential decree . It established a presidential system which he believed would make it easier to implement the principles of guided democracy. He called the system Manifesto Politik or Manipol—but was actually government by decree. Sukarno envisioned an Indonesian-style socialist society, who adhere to the principle of USDEK:

1. Undang-Undang Dasar '45 (Constitution of 1945)
2. Sosialisme Indonesia (Indonesian socialism)
3. Demokrasi Terpimpin (Guided Democracy)
4. Ekonomi Terpimpin (Commanded Economy).
5. Kepribadian Indonesia (Indonesia's Identity)

The structure of Sukarno's guided democracy in 1962

On March 1960, Sukarno disbanded parliament and replaced it with a new parliament where half the members were appointed by the president ( Dewan Perwakilan Rakjat - Gotong Rojong / DPR-GR). On September 1960, he established a Provisional People's Consultative Assembly ( Madjelis Permusjawaratan Rakjat Sementara /MPRS) as the highest legislative authority according to the 1945 constitution. MPRS members consisted of members of DPR-GR and members of "functional groups" appointed by the president.
With the backing of the military, Sukarno disbanded the Islamic party Masyumi and Sutan Sjahrir 's party PSI , accusing them of involvement with PRRI-Permesta affair. The military arrested and imprisoned many of Sukarno's political opponents, from socialist Sjahrir to Islamic politicians Mohammad Natsir and Hamka . Using martial law powers, the government closed-down newspapers who were critical of Sukarno's policies. ^{[ 23 ]}
During this period, there were several assassination attempts on Sukarno's life. On 9 March 1960, Daniel Maukar, an Indonesian airforce lieutenant who sympathised with the Permesta rebellion, strafed the Merdeka Palace and Bogor Palace with his MiG-17 fighter jet, attempting to kill the president; he was not injured. On May 1962, Darul Islam agents shot at the president during Eid al-Adha prayers on the grounds of the palace. Sukarno again escaped injury.
On the security front, the military started a series of effective campaigns which ended the long-festering Darul Islam rebellion in West Java (1962), Aceh (1962), and South Sulawesi (1965). Kartosuwirjo , the leader of Darul Islam, was captured and executed in September 1962.
To counter-balance the power of the military, Sukarno started to rely on the support of the Communist Party of Indonesia (PKI). In 1960, he declared his government to be based on Nasakom , a union of the three ideological strands present in Indonesian society: nasionalisme (nationalism), agama (religions), and komunisme (communism). Accordingly, Sukarno started admitting more communists into his government, while developing strong relationship with the PKI chairman Dipa Nusantara Aidit .
In order to increase Indonesia's prestige, Sukarno supported and won the bid for the 1962 Asian Games held in Jakarta . Many sporting facilities such as the Senayan sports complex (including the 100,000-seat Bung Karno Stadium ) were built to accommodate the games. There was political tension when the Indonesians refused the entry of delegations from Israel and Taiwan. After the International Olympic Committee put sanctions on Indonesia due to this exclusion policy, Sukarno retaliated by organising a "non-imperialist" competitor event to the Olympic Games , called Games of New Emerging Forces ( GANEFO ). GANEFO was successfully held in Jakarta on November 1963, and was attended by 2,700 athletes from 51 countries.
As part of his prestige-building program, Sukarno ordered the construction of large monumental buildings such as National Monument ( Monumen Nasional ) , Istiqlal Mosque , CONEFO Building (now the Parliament Building ), Hotel Indonesia , and the Sarinah shopping centre to transform Jakarta from a former colonial backwater to a modern city. The modern Jakarta boulevards of Jalan Thamrin, Jalan Sudirman, and Jalan Gatot Subroto was planned and constructed under Sukarno.

Foreign policy

As Sukarno's domestic grip on power was secured, he began to pay more attention to the world stage, where Sukarno embarked on a series of aggressive and assertive policies based on anti-imperialism to increase Indonesia's prestige internationally. These anti-imperialist and anti-Western policies, often bordering on brinkmanship, were also designed to provide a common cause to unite the diverse and fractious Indonesian people. In this, he was aided by his Foreign Minister Subandrio .
Since his first visit to Beijing in 1956, Sukarno has began in the 1950s to increase his ties to the People's Republic of China and the communist bloc in general. He also began to accept increasing amounts of Soviet bloc military aid. By early 1960s, Soviet bloc provided more aid to Indonesia than to any other non-communist country, while Soviet military aid to Indonesia was only equalled by aid provided to Cuba. This large influx of communist aid prompted an increase in military aid from the Dwight Eisenhower and John F. Kennedy administrations, which worried about a leftward drift should Sukarno rely too much on Soviet bloc aid. ^{[ 24 ]}
Sukarno was feted during his visit to United States in 1956, where he addressed a joint session of United States Congress . Soon after his first visit to America, Sukarno visited Soviet Union , where he received even more lavish welcome to Moscow . Soviet Premier Nikita Khrushchev paid a return visit to Jakarta and Bali in 1960, where Khrushchev awarded Sukarno with the Lenin Peace Prize . To make amends for the CIA involvement in the PRRI-Permesta rebellion, President Kennedy invited Sukarno to Washington, and provided Indonesia with billions of dollars in civilian and military aid. ^{[ 24 ]}
Despite his close relationships with both Western and Communist Blocs, Sukarno increasingly attempted to forge a new alliance called the "New Emerging Forces", as a counter to the old superpowers, whom he accused of spreading "Neo-Colonialism and Imperialism" (NEKOLIM). In 1961, this first president of Indonesia also found another political alliance, an organization, called the Non-Aligned Movement (NAM, in Indonesia known as Gerakan Non-Blok, GNB) with Egypt's President Gamal Abdel Nasser , India's Prime Minister Pandit Jawaharlal Nehru , Yugoslavia 's President Josip Broz Tito , and Ghana's President Kwame Nkrumah , in an action called The Initiative of Five (Sukarno, Nkrumah, Nasser, Tito, and Nehru). This action was a movement to not give any favour to the two superpower blocs, who were involved in the Cold War . Sukarno is still fondly remembered for his role in promoting the influence of newly-independent countries; among others, his name is used as streetnames in Cairo , Egypt and Rabat , Morocco, and as a major square in Peshawar , Pakistan. In 1956, the University of Belgrade awarded him an honorary doctorate.

Sukarno at Borobudur with Indian prime minister Jawaharlal Nehru and his daughter Indira Gandhi during their visit to Indonesia

As the NAM countries were becoming split into differing factions, and as fewer countries were willing to support Sukarno's growing aggressive anti-Western foreign policies, he increasingly began to abandon his non-alignment rhetoric, in exchange for a new alliance with China, North Korea, North Vietnam , and Cambodia, an alliance he called the " Beijing - Pyongyang - Hanoi - Phnom Penh - Jakarta Axis". After withdrawing Indonesia from the "imperialist-dominated" United Nations on January 1965, Sukarno sought to establish a competitor organisation to the UN called Conference of New Emerging Forces (CONEFO) with support from China, who at that time was not yet a member of United Nations.
Sukarno began an aggressive foreign policy to secure Indonesian territorial claims. On August 1960, Sukarno broke-off diplomatic relations with the Netherlands over continuing failure to commence talks on the future of Netherlands New Guinea , as was agreed at the Dutch-Indonesian Round Table Conference of 1949. After the Dutch announced the formation of a Nieuw Guinea Raad on April 1961, with the intention of creating an independent Papuan state, Sukarno declared military confrontation in his Tri Komando Rakjat (TRIKORA) speech in Yogyakarta , on 19 December 1961. He organised military incursions into the half-island, whom he referred to as West Irian , which by end of 1962 has landed around 3,000 Indonesian soldiers throughout West Irian. On January 1962, a naval battle erupted when an Indonesian infiltration fleet of four torpedo boats were intercepted by Dutch ships and planes off the coast of Vlakke Hoek. In this battle, one Indonesian boat was sunk, killing the Naval Deputy Chief-of-Staff Commodore Jos Sudarso . On February 1962, the Kennedy administration, worried of a continuing Indonesian shift towards communism should the Dutch held-on to West Papua, sent Attorney-General Robert Kennedy to Netherlands, to underline that United States will not support Netherlands in case of conflict with Indonesia. With massive Soviet armaments and even manpower aid, Sukarno planned a large-scale air and seaborne invasion on the Dutch military headquarters of Biak scheduled for August 1962, called Operasi Djajawidjaja , to be led by Major-General Suharto . Before these highly risky plans can be realised, Indonesia and Netherlands signed the New York Agreement on August 1962. The two countries agreed to implement the Bunker Plan (formulated by American diplomat Ellsworth Bunker ), whereby the Dutch agreed to hand-over West Papua to UNTEA on 1 October 1962. UNTEA handed the territory to Indonesian authority on May 1963.
After securing control over West Irian, Sukarno also opposed the British-supported establishment of Federation of Malaysia in 1963, claiming that it was a neo-colonial plot by the British to besiege Indonesia. In spite of his political overtures, which was partly justified when some leftist political elements in British Borneo territories Sarawak and Brunei opposed the Federation plan and aligned themselves with Sukarno, Malaysia was proclaimed in September 1963. This led to the Indonesia–Malaysia confrontation ( Konfrontasi ), proclaimed by Sukarno in his Dwi Komando Rakjat (DWIKORA) speech in Jakarta on 3 May 1964. Sukarno's proclaimed objective was not to annex Sabah and Sarawak into Indonesia, but to establish a State of North Kalimantan under the control of North Kalimantan Communist Party . From 1964 until early 1966, limited numbers of Indonesian soldiers, "volunteers", and Malaysian communist guerillas were infiltrated into both north Borneo and the Malay Peninsula, where they engaged in jungle warfare with British and Commonwealth soldiers deployed to protect the nascent Malaysia. Indonesian agents also exploded several bombs in Singapore. Domestically, Sukarno whipped up anti-British sentiment and the British Embassy was burned down. In 1964, all British companies operating in the country, including Indonesian operations of the Chartered Bank and Unilever , were nationalized.
By 1964, Sukarno commenced an anti-American campaign due to his growing shift towards the communist bloc, and less friendly Lyndon Johnson administration. American interests and businesses in Indonesia were denounced and even attacked by PKI -led mobs. American movies were banned, American books and records of the Beatles were burned, and Indonesian band Koes Plus was jailed for playing American-style rock and roll music. As a result, US aid to Indonesia was halted, to which Sukarno made his famous remark, "Go to hell with your aid" . Sukarno withdrew Indonesia from the United Nations membership on 7 January 1965 when, with US backing, Malaysia took a seat of UN Security Council . By this time, Sukarno's brinkmanship policies left him with few international allies. With the government already severely indebted to the tune of US$ 1 billion to the Soviet Union, Sukarno became increasingly dependent to Communist China for support. He spoke increasingly of a Peking-Jakarta axis, which would be the core of a new anti-imperialist world organization, the CONEFO. ^{[ 25 ]}

Domestic tensions

Domestically, Sukarno continued to consolidate his control. He was made president for life by the MPRS in 1963. His ideological writings on Manipol-USDEK and NASAKOM became mandatory subjects in Indonesian schools and universities, while his speeches were to be memorized and discussed by all students. All newspapers, the only radio station ( RRI ), and the only television station ( TVRI ) were made into "tools of the revolution" and functioned to spread Sukarno's messages. Sukarno developed a personality cult, with the capital of newly-acquired West Irian renamed to Sukarnapura and the highest peak in the country was renamed from Carstensz Pyramid to Puntjak Sukarno (Sukarno Peak) .
Despite these appearances of unchallenged control, Sukarno's guided democracy stood on fragile grounds due to the inherent conflict between its two underlying support pillars, the military and the communists. The military, nationalists, and the Islamic groups were shocked by the rapid growth of the communist party under Sukarno's protection. They feared immanent establishment of communist state in Indonesia. By 1965, the PKI had 3 million members, and were particularly strong in Central Java and Bali . PKI has become the strongest party in Indonesia.
The military and nationalists were growing wary of Sukarno's close alliance with communist China, which they thought compromised Indonesia's sovereignty. Elements of the military disagreed with Sukarno's policy of confrontation with Malaysia, which in their view only benefited communists, and sent several officers (including future Armed Forces Chief Leonardus Benjamin Moerdani ) to spread secret peace-feelers to the Malaysian government. The Islamic clerics, who were mostly landowners, felt threatened by PKI's land confiscation actions ( aksi sepihak ) in the countryside and by the communist campaign against the "seven village devils", a term used for landlords or better-off farmers (similar to the anti- kulak campaign in Stalinist era).
As the mediator of the three groups under the NASAKOM system, Sukarno displayed greater sympathies to the communists. The PKI has been very careful to support all of Sukarno's policies. Meanwhile, Sukarno saw the PKI as the best-organised and ideologically-solid party in Indonesia, and a useful conduit to gain more military and financial aid from Communist Bloc countries. Sukarno also sympathised with the communists' revolutionary ideals, which is similar to his own.
To weaken the influence of the military, Sukarno rescinded martial law (which gave wide-ranging powers to the military) in 1963. On September 1962, he "promoted" the powerful General Nasution to the less-influential position of Armed Forces Chief, while the influential position of Army Chief was given to Sukarno's loyalist Ahmad Yani . Meanwhile, the position of Air Force Chief was given to Omar Dhani , who was an open communist sympathiser. On May 1964, Sukarno banned activities of Manifesto Kebudajaan (Manikebu), an association of artists and writers which included prominent Indonesian writers such as Hans Bague Jassin and Wiratmo Soekito, who were also dismissed from their jobs. Manikebu was considered a rival by the communist writer's association Lembaga Kebudajaan Rakjat (Lekra), led by Pramoedya Ananta Toer . On December 1964, Sukarno disbanded the Badan Pendukung Soekarnoisme (BPS), the "Association for Promoting Sukarnoism", an organisation that seek to oppose communism by invoking Sukarno's own Pancasila formulation. On January 1965, Sukarno, under pressure from PKI, banned the Murba Party . Murba was a Trotskyite party whose ideology was antagonistic to PKI's orthodox line of Marxism. ^{[ 26 ]}
Tensions between the military and communists increased on April 1965, when PKI chairman Aidit called for the formation of a "fifth armed force" consisting of armed peasants and labor. Sukarno approved this idea and publicly called for the immediate formation of such a force on 17 May 1965. However, this idea was rejected by Army Chief Ahmad Yani and Defence Minister Nasution, as this was tantamount to allowing the PKI to establish its own armed forces. Soon after this rejection, on 29 May, the " Gilchrist Letter " appeared. The letter was supposedly written by the British ambassador Andrew Gilchrist to the Foreign Office in London, mentioning a joint American and British attempt on subversion in Indonesia with the help of "local army friends". This letter, produced by Subandrio , aroused Sukarno's fear of a military plot to overthrow him, a fear which he mentioned repeatedly during the next few months. The Czechoslovakian agent Vladislav Bittman who defected in 1968 claimed that his agency ( StB ) forged the letter on request from PKI via Soviet Union, to smear anti-communist generals. On his independence day speech of 17 August 1965, Sukarno declared his intention to commit Indonesia to an anti-imperialist alliance with China and other communist regimes, and warned the Army not to interfere. He also stated his support for the establishment of "fifth force" of armed peasants and labor. ^{[ 27 ]}
While Sukarno devoted his energy for domestic and international politics, the economy of Indonesia was neglected and deteriorated rapidly. The government printed money to finance its military expenditures, resulting in hyperinflation exceeding 600% per annum in 1964-1965. Smuggling and collapse of export plantation sectors deprived the government of much-needed foreign exchange income. Consequently, the government was unable to service massive foreign debts it accumulated from both Western and Communist bloc countries. Most of the government budget was spent on the military, resulting in deterioration of infrastructure such as roads, railways, ports, and other public facilities. Deteriorating transportation infrastructure and poor harvests caused food shortages in many places. The small industrial sector languished and only produced at 20% capacity due to lack of investment.
Sukarno himself was contemptous to macroeconomics, and was unable and unwilling to provide practical solutions to the poor economic condition of the country. Instead, Sukarno produced more ideological conceptions such as Trisakti : political sovereignty, economic self-sufficiency, and cultural independence. He advocated Indonesians to be "standing on their own feet" ( berdikari ) and reach economic self-sufficiency, free from foreign influence. ^{[ 28 ]}

Removal from power

Main article: Transition to the New Order

On the dawn of 1 October 1965, six of Indonesia's most senior army generals were kidnapped and killed by a movement calling themselves the " 30 September Movement " (G30S). Among those killed was Ahmad Yani , while Nasution narrowly escaped. The G30S Movement consisted of members of the Presidential Guards, Brawidjaja Division, and Diponegoro Division, under the command of a Lieutenant-Colonel Untung bin Sjamsuri, a known communist sympathiser who participated in the 1948 PKI rebellion. The movement took control of the radio station and the Merdeka Square . They broadcasted statement declaring the kidnappings were meant to protect Sukarno from a coup attempt by CIA-influenced generals. Later, it broadcasted the disbandment of Sukarno's cabinet, to be replaced by a "Revolutionary Council". In Central Java, soldiers associated with the Movement also seized control of Yogyakarta and Solo between 1–2 October, killing two colonels.
Major General Suharto , commander of the Army's strategic reserves, took control of the army the following morning. ^{[ 29 ]} Suharto ordered troops to take-over the radio station of Republic of Indonesia Radio and Merdeka Square. On the afternoon of that day, Suharto issued an ultimatum to the Halim Air Force Base, where the G30S had based themselves and where Sukarno (the reasons for his presence are unclear and were subject of claim and counter-claim), Air Marshal Omar Dhani, and PKI chairman Aidit had gathered. By the following day, it was clear that the incompetently organised and poorly coordinated coup had failed. Sukarno took-up residence in the Bogor Palace , while Omar Dhani fled to Cambodia and Aidit to Central Java . ^{[ 30 ]} By 2 October, Suharto's soldiers occupied Halim Air Force Base, after a short gunfight. Sukarno's obedience to Suharto's 1 October ultimatum to leave Halim is seen as changing all power relationships. ^{[ 31 ]} Sukarno's fragile balance of power between the military, political Islam, communists, and nationalists that underlay his " Guided Democracy " was now collapsing. ^{[ 30 ]}
In early October 1965, a military propaganda campaign began to sweep the country, successfully convincing both Indonesian and international audiences that it was a Communist coup, and that the murders were cowardly atrocities against Indonesian heroes. ^{[ 32 ]} The PKI's denials of involvement had little effect. ^{[ 33 ]} Following the discovery and public burial of the generals' corpses on 5 October, the army along with Islamic organisations Muhammadiyah and Nahdlatul Ulama , led a campaign to purge Indonesian society, government and armed forces of the communist party and other leftist organisations. Leading PKI members were immediately arrested, some summarily executed. Aidit was captured and killed on November 1965 ^{[ 32 ]} The purge spread across the country with the worst massacres in Java and Bali. ^{[ 33 ]} (see: Indonesian killings of 1965–66 ) In some areas the army organised civilian groups and local militias, in other areas communal vigilante action preceded the army. ^{[ 34 ]} The most widely accepted estimates are that at least half a million were killed. ^{[ 35 ]} It is thought that as many as 1.5 million were imprisoned at one stage or another. ^{[ 36 ]}
As a result of the purge, one of Sukarno's three pillars of support, the Indonesian Communist Party, had been effectively eliminated by the other two, the military and political Islam. The killings and the failure of his tenuous "revolution" distressed Sukarno and he tried unsuccessfully to protect the PKI by referring to the generals' killings as a rimpeltje in de oceaan ("ripple in the sea of the revolution"). He tried to maintain his influence appealing in a January 1966 broadcast for the country to follow him. Subandrio sought to create a Sukarnoist column ( Barisan Sukarno ), which was undermined by Suharto's pledge of loyalty to Sukarno and the concurrent instruction for all those loyal to Sukarno to announce their support for the army. ^{[ 37 ]}
On 1 October 1965, Sukarno appointed General Pranoto Reksosamudro as Army Chief to replace the dead Ahmad Yani, but he was forced to give this position to Suharto two weeks later. In February 1966, Sukarno reshuffled his cabinet, sacking Nasution as Defence Minister and abolishing his position of armed forces chief of staff, but Nasution refused to step down. Beginning in January 1966, university students started demonstrating against Sukarno, demanding the disbandment of PKI and for the government to control spiraling inflation. On February 1966, student demonstrators in front of Merdeka Palace were shot at by Presidential Guards, killing the student Arief Rachman Hakim, who was quickly turned into a martyr by student demonstrators.
A meeting of Sukarno's full cabinet was held at the Merdeka Palace on 11 March 1966. As students were demonstrating against the administration, unidentified troops began to assemble outside. Sukarno, Subandrio and another minister immediately left the meeting and went to the Bogor Palace by helicopter. Three pro-Suharto generals ( Basuki Rahmat , Amirmachmud , and Mohammad Jusuf ) were dispatched to the Bogor palace and they met with Sukarno who signed for them a Presidential Order known as Supersemar . Through the order, Sukarno assigned Suharto to "take all measures considered necessary to guarantee security, calm and stability of the government and the revolution and to guarantee the personal safety and authority [of Sukarno]". The authorship of the document, and whether Sukarno was forced to sign, perhaps even at gunpoint, is a point of historic debate. The effect of the order, however, was the transfer of authority to Suharto. After obtaining the Presidential Order, Suharto had the PKI declared illegal and the party was abolished. He also arrested many high ranking officials that were loyal to Sukarno on the charge of being PKI members and/or sympathizers, further reducing Sukarno's political power and influence.
The MPRS , now purged from communist and pro-Sukarno elements, began proceedings to impeach Sukarno on the grounds of:

1. Toleration 30 September Movement and violation of the constitution by supporting PKI's international communist agenda
2. Negligence of the economy
3. Promotion of national "moral degradation" by Sukarno's blatant womanising behaviour. ^{[ 38 ]}

On 22 June 1966, Sukarno made the Nawaksara speech in front of MPRS session, an unsuccessful last-ditch attempt to defend himself and his guided democracy system. On August 1966, over Sukarno's objections, Indonesia ended its confrontation with Malaysia and rejoined the United Nations . After making another unsuccessful accountability speech (Nawaksara Addendum) on 10 January 1967, Sukarno was stripped of his presidential title by MPRS on 12 March 1967, in a session chaired by his former ally, Nasution. He was put under house arrest in Bogor Palace, where his health deteriorated due to denial of adequate medical care. He died of kidney failure in Jakarta Army Hospital on 21 June 1970 at age 69. He was buried in Blitar , East Java , Indonesia. In recent decades, his grave has been a significant venue in the network of places that Javanese visit on ziarah and for some is of equal significance to those of the Wali Songo . ^{[ citation needed ]}
A semi-official version of the events of 1965–1966 claims that the Indonesian Communist Party (PKI) chairman Aidit organised the murders of the six generals, using communist sympathisers within the military, to secure PKI's position in case of feared incapacitation of Sukarno, who suffered a mild stroke on 4 August 1965. Others believe that Sukarno and PKI cooperated to kidnap and murder the generals, to forestall a potential Western-backed coup as mentioned in the Gilchrist Document , a view based on Sukarno being in close contact with Aidit and the conspirators in Halim Air Force Base during 1 October. It is believed that upon taking power, the Suharto government deliberately covered-up Sukarno's involvement and sought to solely blame the PKI out of respect of his past services to bring independence to the country, and to protect the integrity of the nation's historic narrative. After the fall of Suharto in 1998, some of his opponents theorise that Suharto orchestrated the assassinations to remove potential rivals for the presidency. ^{[ 39 ]}

Family

Sukarno married Siti Oetari in 1920, and divorced her in 1923 to marry Inggit Garnasih, whom he divorced c. 1943 to marry Fatmawati. ^{[ 40 ]} Sukarno also married Hartini in 1954, after which he and Fatmawati separated without divorcing. In 1959 he married a third wife, the then 19-year old Japanese hostess Naoko Nemoto (renamed Dewi Sukarno ). ^{[ 41 ]} In the early 1960s, Sukarno went on to marry 4 more wives: Kartini Manoppo; Yurike Sanger; Heldy Djafar; Amelia de la Rama.
Megawati Sukarnoputri , who served as the fifth president of Indonesia, is his daughter by his wife Fatmawati . Her younger brother Guruh Sukarnoputra (born 1953) has inherited Sukarno's artistic bent and is a choreographer and songwriter , who made a movie Untukmu, Indonesiaku (For You, My Indonesia) about Indonesian culture. He is also a member of the Indonesian People's Representative Council for Megawati's Indonesian Democratic Party – Struggle . His siblings Guntur Sukarnoputra, Rachmawati Sukarnoputri and Sukmawati Sukarnoputri have all been active in politics. Sukarno had a daughter named Kartika by Dewi Sukarno . ^{[ 42 ]} In 2006 Kartika Sukarno married Frits Seegers, the Netherlands-born chief executive officer of the Barclays Global Retail and Commercial Bank. ^{[ 43 ]} Other offspring include Taufan and Bayu by his wife Hartini, and a son named Toto Suryawan Soekarnoputra (born 1967, in Germany), by his wife Kartini Manoppo.